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173 lines
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173 lines
9.3 KiB
HTML
<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN"
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"http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd">
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<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8" />
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<title>Untitled Document</title>
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<script type="text/javascript" src="lexer.js"></script>
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The below text is taken from <a href="http://www.archive.org/stream/cm56b10/cm56b10.txt">Memoirs of the Court of St. Cloud</a>
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</div>
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<h3>Sample Text</h3>
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Bonaparte has been as profuse in his disposal of the Imperial
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diadem of Germany, as in his promises of the papal tiara of Rome. The
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Houses of Austria and Brandenburgh, the Electors of Bavaria and Baden,
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have by turns been cajoled into a belief of his exclusive support towards
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obtaining it at the first vacancy. Those, however, who have paid
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attention to his machinations, and studied his actions; who remember his
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pedantic affectation of being considered a modern, or rather a second
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Charlemagne; and who have traced his steps through the labyrinth of folly
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and wickedness, of meanness and greatness, of art, corruption, and
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policy, which have seated him on the present throne, can entertain little
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doubt but that he is seriously bent on seizing and adding the sceptre of
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Germany to the crowns of France and Italy.
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During his stay last autumn at Mentz, all those German Electors who had
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spirit and dignity enough to refuse to attend on him there in person were
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obliged to send Extraordinary Ambassadors to wait on him, and to
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compliment him on their part. Though hardly one corner of the veil that
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covered the intrigues going forward there is yet lifted up, enough is
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already seen to warn Europe and alarm the world. The secret treaties he
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concluded there with most of the petty Princes of Germany, against the
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Chief of the German Empire which not only entirely detached them from
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their country and its legitimate Sovereign, but made their individual
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interests hostile and totally opposite to that of the German
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Commonwealth, transforming them also from independent Princes into
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vassals of France, both directly increased has already gigantic power,
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and indirectly encouraged him to extend it beyond what his most sanguine
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expectation had induced him to hope. I do not make this assertion from a
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mere supposition in consequence of ulterior occurrences. At a supper
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with Madame Talleyrand last March, I heard her husband, in a gay,
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unguarded, or perhaps premeditated moment, say, when mentioning his
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proposed journey to Italy:
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"I prepared myself to pass the Alps last October at Mentz. The first
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ground-stone of the throne of Italy was, strange as it may seem, laid on
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the banks of the Rhine: with such an extensive foundation, it must be
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difficult to shake, and impossible to overturn it."
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We were, in the whole, twenty-five persons at table when he spoke thus,
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many of whom, he well knew, were intimately acquainted both with the
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Austrian and Prussian Ambassadors, who by the bye, both on the next day
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sent couriers to their respective Courts.
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The French Revolution is neither seen in Germany in that dangerous light
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which might naturally be expected from the sufferings in which it has
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involved both Princes and subjects, nor are its future effects dreaded
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from its past enormities. The cause of this impolitic and anti-patriotic
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apathy is to be looked for in the palaces of Sovereigns, and not in the
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dwellings of their people. There exists hardly a single German Prince
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whose Ministers, courtiers and counsellors are not numbered, and have
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long been notorious among the anti-social conspirators, the Illuminati:
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most of them are knaves of abilities, who have usurped the easy direction
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of ignorance, or forced themselves as guides on weakness or folly, which
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bow to their charlatanism as if it was sublimity, and hail their
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sophistry and imposture as inspiration.
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Among Princes thus encompassed, the Elector of Bavaria must be allowed
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the first place. A younger brother of a younger branch, and a colonel in
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the service of Louis XVI., he neither acquired by education, nor
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inherited from nature, any talent to reign, nor possessed any one quality
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that fitted him for a higher situation than the head of a regiment or a
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lady's drawing-room. He made himself justly suspected of a moral
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corruption, as well as of a natural incapacity, when he announced his
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approbation of the Revolution against his benefactor, the late King of
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France, who, besides a regiment, had also given him a yearly pension of
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one hundred thousand livres. Immediately after his unexpected accession
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to the Electorate of Bavaria, he concluded a subsidiary treaty with your
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country, and his troops were ordered to combat rebellion, under the
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standard of Austrian loyalty. For some months it was believed that the
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Elector wished by his conduct to obliterate the memory of the errors,
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vices, and principles of the Duc de Deux-Ponts (his former title). But
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placing all his confidence in a political adventurer and revolutionary
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fanatic, Montgelas, without either consistency or firmness, without being
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either bent upon information or anxious about popularity, he threw the
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whole burden of State on the shoulders of this dangerous man, who soon
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showed the world that his master, by his first treaties, intended only to
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pocket your money without serving your cause or interest.
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This Montgelas is, on account of his cunning and long standing among
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them, worshipped by the gang of German Illuminati as an idol rather than
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revered as an apostle. He is their Baal, before whom they hope to oblige
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all nations upon earth to prostrate themselves as soon as infidelity has
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entirely banished Christianity; for the Illuminati do not expect to reign
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till the last Christian is buried under the rubbish of the last altar of
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Christ. It is not the fault of Montgelas if such an event has not
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already occurred in the Electorate of Bavaria.
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Within six months after the Treaty of Lundville, Montgelas began in that
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country his political and religious innovations. The nobility and the
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clergy were equally attacked; the privileges of the former were invaded,
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and the property of the latter confiscated; and had not his zeal carried
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him too far, so as to alarm our new nobles, our new men of property, and
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new Christians, it is very probable that atheism would have already,
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without opposition, reared its head in the midst of Germany, and
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proclaimed there the rights of man, and the code of liberty and equality.
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The inhabitants of Bavaria are, as you know, all Roman Catholics, and the
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most superstitious and ignorant Catholics of Germany. The step is but
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short from superstition to infidelity; and ignorance has furnished in
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France more sectaries of atheism than perversity. The Illuminati,
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brothers and friends of Montgelas, have not been idle in that country.
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Their writings have perverted those who had no opportunity to hear their
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speeches, or to witness their example; and I am assured by Count von
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Beust, who travelled in Bavaria last year, that their progress among the
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lower classes is astonishing, considering the short period these
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emissaries have laboured. To any one looking on the map of the
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Continent, and acquainted with the spirit of our times, this impious
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focus of illumination must be ominous.
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Among the members of the foreign diplomatic corps, there exists not the
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least doubt but that this Montgelas, as well as Bonaparte's Minister at
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Munich, Otto, was acquainted with the treacherous part Mehde de la Touche
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played against your Minister, Drake; and that it was planned between him
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and Talleyrand as the surest means to break off all political connections
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between your country and Bavaria. Mr. Drake was personally liked by the
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Elector, and was not inattentive either to the plans and views of
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Montgelas or to the intrigues of Otto. They were, therefore, both doubly
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interested to remove such a troublesome witness.
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M. de Montgelas is now a grand officer of Bonaparte's Legion of Honour,
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and he is one of the few foreigners nominated the most worthy of such a
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distinction. In France he would have been an acquisition either to the
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factions of a Murat, of a Brissot, or of a Robespierre; and the Goddess
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of Reason, as well as the God of the Theophilanthropists, might have been
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sure of counting him among their adorers. At the clubs of the Jacobins
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or Cordeliers, in the fraternal societies, or in a revolutionary
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tribunal; in the Committee of Public Safety, or in the council chamber of
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the Directory, he would equally have made himself notorious and been
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equally in his place. A stoic sans-culotte under Du Clots, a stanch
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republican under Robespierre, he would now have been the most pliant and
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brilliant courtier of Bonaparte.
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</div>
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<h3>Tagged Sample Text</h3>
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